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Wednesday, 17 October 2012

 The Tunnels at Baiae remains still

Unsolved Mystery

an Oracle of the Dead

Baiae and the Bay of Naples, painted by J.M.W. Turner in 1823, well before modernization of the area obliterated most traces of its Roman past. Image: Wikicommons.
There is nothing remotely Elysian about the Phlegræan Fields, which lie on the north shore of the Bay of Naples; nothing sylvan, nothing green. The Fields are part of the caldera of a volcano that is the twin ofMount Vesuvius, a few miles to the east, the destroyer of Pompeii. The volcano is still active–it last erupted in 1538, and once possessed a crater that measured eight miles across–but most of it is underwater now.  The portion that is still accessible on land consists of a barren, rubble-strewn plateau. Fire bursts from the rocks in places, and clouds of sulfurous gas snake out of vents leading up from deep underground.
The Fields, in short, are hellish, and it is no surprise that in Greek and Roman myth they were associated with all manner of strange tales. Most interesting, perhaps, is the legend of the Cumæan sibyl, who took her name from the nearby town of Cumæ, a Greek colony dating to about 500 B.C.– a time when the Etruscans still held sway much of central Italy and Rome was nothing but a city-state ruled over by a line of tyrannical kings.
A Renaissance-era depiction of a young Cumæan sibyl by Andrea del Catagno. The painting can be seen in the Uffizi Gallery. Image: Wikicommons.
The sibyl, so the story goes, was a woman named Amalthaea who lurked in a cave on the Phlegræan Fields. She had once been young and beautiful–beautiful enough to attract the attentions of the sun god, Apollo, who offered her one wish in exchange for her virginity. Pointing to a heap of dust, Amalthaea asked for a year of life for each particle in the pile, but (as is usually the way in such old tales) failed to allow for the vindictiveness of the gods.Ovid, in Metamorphoses, has her lament that “like a fool, I did not ask that all those years should come with ageless youth, as well.” Instead, she aged but could not die. Virgil depicts herscribbling the future on oak leaves that lay scattered about the entrance to her cave, and states that the cave itself concealed an entrance to the underworld.
The best-known–and from our perspective the most interesting–of all the tales associated with the sibyl is supposed to date to the reign of Tarquinius Superbus–Tarquin the Proud. He was the last of the mythic kings of Rome, and some historians, at least, concede that he really did live and rule in the sixth century B.C. According to legend, the sibyl traveled to Tarquin’s palace bearing nine books of prophecy that set out the whole of the future of Rome. She offered the set to the king for a price so enormous that he summarily declined–at which the prophetess went away, burned the first three of the books, and returned, offering the remaining six to Tarquin at the same price. Once again, the king refused, though less arrogantly this time, and the sibyl burned three more of the precious volumes. The third time she approached the king, he thought it wise to accede to her demands. Rome purchased the three remaining books of prophecy at the original steep price.

What makes this story of interest to historians as well as folklorists is that there is good evidence that three Greek scrolls, known collectively as the Sibylline Books, really were kept, closely guarded, for hundreds of years after the time of Tarquin the Proud. Secreted in a stone chest in a vault beneath the Temple of Jupiter, the scrolls were brought out at times of crisis and used, not as a detailed guide to the future of Rome, but as a manual that set out the rituals required to avert looming disasters. They served the Republic well until the temple burned down in 83 B.C., and so vital were they thought to be that huge efforts were made to reassemble the lost prophecies by sending envoys to all the great towns of the known world to look for fragments that might have come from the same source. These reassembled prophecies were pressed back into service and not finally destroyed until 405, when they are thought to have been burned by a noted general by the name of Flavius Stilicho.
Sulfur drifts from a vent on the barren volcanic plateau known as the Phlegraean Fields, a harsh moonscape associated with legends of prophecy. Photo: Wikicommons.
The existence of the Sibylline Books certainly suggests that Rome took the legend of the Cumæan sibyl seriously, and indeed the geographer Strabo, writing at about the time of Christ, clearly states thatthere actually was “an Oracle of the Dead” somewhere in the Phlegræan Fields. So it is scarcely surprising that archaeologists and scholars of romantic bent have from time to time gone in search of a cave or tunnel that might be identified as the real home of a real sibyl–nor that some have hoped that they would discover an entrance, if not to Hades, then at least to some spectacular subterranean caverns
Over the years several spots, the best known of which lies close to Lake Avernus, have been identified as the antro della sibilla–the cave of the sibyl. None, though, leads to anywhere that might reasonably be confused with an entrance to the underworld. Because of this, the quest continued, and gradually the remaining searchers focused their attentions on the old Roman resort of Baiæ (Baia), which lies on Bay of Naples at a spot where the Phlegræan Fields vanish beneath the Tyrrhenian Sea. Two thousand years ago, Baiæ was a flourishing spa, noted both for its mineral cures and for the scandalous immorality that flourished there. Today, it is little more than a collection of picturesque ruins–but it was there, in the 1950s, that the entrance to a hitherto unknown antrum was discovered by the Italian archaeologist Amedeo Maiuri. It had been concealed for years beneath a vineyard; Maiuri’s workers had to clear a 15-foot-thick accumulation of earth and vines.
The narrow entrance to the tunnel complex at Baiae is easy to miss amid the ruins of a Greek temple and a large Roman bath complex.
The antrum at Baiæ proved difficult to explore. A sliver of tunnel, obviously ancient and manmade, disappeared into a hillside close to the ruins of a temple. The first curious onlookers who pressed their heads into its cramped entrance discovered a pitch-black passageway that was uncomfortably hot and wreathed in fumes; they penetrated only a few feet into the interior before beating a hasty retreat. There the mystery rested, and it was not revived until the site came to the attention of Robert Paget in the early 1960s.
Paget was not a professional archaeologist. He was a Briton who worked at a nearby NATO airbase, lived in Baiæ, and excavated mostly as a hobby. As such, his theories need to be viewed with caution, and it is worth noting that when the academic Papers of the British School at Rome agreed to publish the results of the decade or more that he and an American colleague named Keith Jones spent digging in the tunnel, a firm distinction was drawn between the School’s endorsement of a straightforward description of the findings and its refusal to pass comment on the theories Paget had come up with to explain his perplexing discoveries. These theories eventually made their appearance in book form but attracted little attention–surprisingly, because the pair claimed to have stumbled across nothing less than a real-life “entrance to the underworld.”
Paget was one of the handful of men who still hoped to locate the “cave of the sibyl” described by Virgil, and it was this obsession that made him willing to risk the inhospitable interior. He and Jones pressed their way though the narrow opening and found themselves inside a high but narrow tunnel, eight feet tall but just 21 inches wide. The temperature inside was uncomfortable but bearable, and although the airless interior was still tinged with volcanic fumes, the two men pressed on into a passage that, they claimed, had probably not been entered for 2,000 years.
A plan of Baiae’s mysterious “Oracle of the Dead,” showing the complex layout of the tunnels and their depth below ground level.
Following the tunnel downward, Paget and Jones calculated that it fell only around 10 feet in the first 400 feet of its length before terminating in a solid wall of rubble that blocked the way. But even the scanty evidence the two men had managed to gather during this early phase of their investigation persuaded them that it was worth pressing on. For one thing, the sheer amount of spoil that had been hauled into the depths suggested a considerable degree of organization–years later, when the excavation of the tunnel was complete, it would be estimated that 700 cubic yards of rubble, and 30,000 man-journeys, had been required to fill it. For another, using a compass, Paget determined that the terrace where the tunnel system began was oriented towards the midsummer sunrise, and hence the solstice, while the mysterious passage itself ran exactly east-west and was, thus, on the equinoctial sunrise line. This suggested that it served some ritual purpose.
It took Paget and Jones, working in difficult conditions with a small group of volunteers, the beter part of a decade to clear and explore what turned out to be a highly ambitious tunnel system. Its ceremonial function seemed to be confirmed by the existence of huge numbers of niches for oil lamps–they occurred every yard in the tunnels’ lower levels, far more frequently than would have been required merely to provide illumination. The builders had also given great thought to the layout of the complex, which seemed to have been designed to conceal its mysteries.
The “River Styx”–an underground stream, heated almost to boiling point in places, which runs through at the deepest portions of the tunnel complex. It was the discovery of this stream that led Paget to formulate his daring hypothesis that the Great Antrum was intended as a representation of the mythic underground passageways to Hades.
Within the portion of the tunnels choked by rubble, Paget and Jones found, hidden behind an S-bend, a second blockage. This, the explorers discovered, marked the place where two tunnels diverged. Basing his thinking on the remains of some ancient pivots, Paget suggested that the spot had at one time harbored a concealed door. Swung closed, this would have masked the entrance to a second tunnel that acted as a short-cut to the lower levels. Opened partially, it could have been used (the explorer suggested) as a remarkably effective ventilation system; hot, vitiated air would be sucked out of the tunnel complex at ceiling level, while currents of cooler air from the surface were constantly drawn in along the floor.
But only when the men went deeper into the hillside did the greatest mystery of the tunnels revealed itself. There, hidden at the bottom of a much steeper passage, and behind a second S-bend that prevented anyone approaching from seeing it until the final moment, ran an underground stream. A small “landing stage” projected out into the sulfurous waters, which ran from left to right across the tunnel and disappeared into the darkness. And the river itself was hot to the touch–in places it approached boiling point.
Conditions at this low point in the tunnel complex certainly were stygian. The temperature had risen to 120 degrees Fahrenheit; the air stank of sulfur. It was a relief to force a way across the stream and up a steep ascending passage on the other side, which eventually opened into an antechamber, oriented this time to the helical sunset, that Paget dubbed the “hidden sanctuary.” From there, more hidden staircases ascended to the surface to emerge behind the ruins of water tanks that had fed the spas at the ancient temple complex.
The Phlegræan Fields (left) and Mount Vesuvius, after Scipione Breislak’s map of 1801. Baiae lies at the northeastern tip of the peninsula of Bacoli, at the extreme westerly end of the Fields.
What was this “Great Antrum,” as Paget dubbed it? Who had built it–and for what purpose? And who had stopped it up? After a decade of exploration, he and Jones had formulated answers to those questions.
The tunnel system, the two men proposed, had been constructed by priests to mimic a visit to the Greeks’ mythical underworld. In this interpretation, the stream represented the fabled River Styx, which the dead had to cross to enter Hades; a small boat, the explorers speculated, would have been waiting at the landing stage to ferry visitors across. On the far side these initiates would have climbed the stairs to the hidden sanctuary, and it was there they would have met… who? One possibility, Paget thought, was a priestess posing as the Cumæan sibyl, and for this reason he took to calling the complex the “Antrum of Initiation.”
The tunnels, then, in Paget’s view, might have been constructed to allow priests to persuade their patrons–or perhaps simply wealthy travelers–that they had traveled through the underworld. The scorching temperatures below ground and the thick drifts of volcanic vapor would certainly have given that impression. And if visitors were tired, befuddled or perhaps simply drugged, it would have been possible to create a powerfully otherworldly experience capable of persuading even the skeptical.
A general plan of the tunnel complex, drawn by Robert Paget. Click twice to view in higher resolution.
In favor of this argument, Paget went on, was the careful planning of the tunnels. The “dividing of the ways,” with its hidden door, would have allowed a party of priests–and the “Cumæan sibyl” too, perhaps–quick access to the hidden sanctuary, and the encounter with the “River Styx” would have been enhanced by the way the tunnels’ S-bend construction concealed its presence from new initiates. The system, furthermore, closely matched ancient myths relating visits to the underworld. In Virgil’sAeniad, for instance, the hero, Aeneas, crosses the Styx only once on his journey underground, emerging from Hades by an alternate route. The tunnel complex at Baiæ seemed to have been constructed to allow just such a journey–and Virgil, in Paget’s argument, had lived nearby and might himself have been an initiate in Baiæ’s mysteries.
Dating the construction of the complex was a greater challenge. The explorers found little evidence inside the tunnels that might point to the identity of the builders–just a mason’s plumb bob in one of the niches and some ancient graffiti. But, working on the assumption that the passages had formed part of the surrounding temple complex, they concluded that they could best be dated to the late archaic period around 550 B.C.–at pretty much the time, that is, that the Cumæan sibyl was said to have lived. If so, the complex was was almost certainly the work of the Greek colonists of Cumæ itself. As for when the tunnels had been blocked up, that–Paget thought–must have taken place after Virgil’s time, during the early Imperial period of Roman history. But who exactly ordered the work, or why, he could not say.
In time, Paget and Jones solved at least some of the Great Antrum’s mysteries. In 1965 they persuaded a friend, Colonel David Lewis of the U.S. Army, and his son to investigate the Styx for them using scuba apparatus. The two divers followed the stream into a tunnel that dramatically deepened and discovered the source of its mysterious heat: two springs of boiling water, superheated by the volcanic chambers of the Phlegræan Fields.
One of the two boiling springs that feed the “Styx,” photographed in 1965, 250 feet beneath the surface, by Colonel David Lewis, U.S. Army.
Whether Paget and Jones’s elaborate theories are correct remains a matter of debate. That the tunnel complex served some ritual purpose can hardly be doubted if the explorers’ compass bearings are correct, and the specifics of its remarkable construction seem to support much of what Paget says. Of alternative explanations, only one–that the tunnels were once part of a system designed to supply hot mineral-rich waters to bathhouses above–feels plausible, though it certainly does not explain features such as S-bends designed to hide the wonders ahead from approaching visitors. The central question may well be whether it is possible to see Paget’s channel of boiling water deep underground as anything other than a deliberate representation of one of the fabled rivers that girdled Hades–if not the Styx itself, then perhaps thePhlegethon, the mythic “river of fire” that, in Dante’s Inferno, boils the souls of the departed. Historians of the ancient world do not dispute that powerful priests were fully capable of mounting elaborate deceptions–and a recent geological report on the far better known Greek oracle site at Delphi demonstrated that fissures in the rocks nearby brought intoxicating and anaesthetic gases to the surface at that spot, suggesting that it may have been selected and used for a purpose much like the one Paget proposed at Baiæ.
Yet much remains mysterious about the Great Antrum–not least the vexed question of how ancient builders, working with primitive tools at the end of the Bronze Age, could possibly have known of the existence of the “River Styx,” much less excavated a tunnel that so neatly intercepted it. There is no trace of the boiling river at the surface–and it was not until the 1970s, after Paget’s death, that his collaborators finally discovered, by injecting colored dyes into its waters, that it flows into the sea miles away, on the northern side of Cape Miseno.
Paget found one foot-high fragment of roughly painted graffiti close to the entrance of the tunnels. He interpreted the first line to read “Illius” (“of that”), and the second as a shorthand symbol representing a prayer to the Greek goddess Hera.
Little seems to have changed at Baiæ since Paget’s day. His discoveries have made remarkably little impact on tourism at the ancient resort, and even today the network of passages he worked so long to clear remain locked and barely visited. A local guide can be hired, but the complex remains difficult, hot and uncomfortable to visit. Little attempt is made to exploit the idea that it was once thought to be an entrance to the underworld, and, pending reinvestigation by trained archaeologists, not much more can be said about the tunnels’ origin and purpose. But even among the many mysteries of the ancient world, the Great Antrum on the Bay of Naples surely remains among the most intriguing.


Tuesday, 16 October 2012


The "chapatty" 

FREEDOM MOVEMENT

OF INDIA

Pass it on: The Secret that Preceded
The Indian Rebellion of 1857





The mysterious appearance of chapatis—loaves of an Indian unleavened bread—spooked the British administrators of the Raj shortly before the outbreak of rebellion in 1857.
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“There is a most mysterious affair going on throughout the whole of India at present,” Dr. Gilbert Hadow wrote in a letter to his sister in Britain in March 1857. “No one seems to know the meaning of it.… It is not known where it originated, by whom or for what purpose, whether it is supposed to be connected to any religious ceremony or whether it has to do with some secret society. The Indian papers are full of surmises as to what it means. It is called ‘the chupatty movement.’ ”
The “movement” that Hadow was describing was a remarkable example of rumor gone wild. It consisted of the distribution of many thousands of chapatis—unleavened Indian breads—that were passed from hand to hand and from village to village throughout the mofussil (interior) of the subcontinent. The chapatis were real, but no one knew for sure what they were for. Most Indians thought they were the work of the British, who—through the East India Company —had ruled over large portions of the country for almost a century (and were, according to one well-known prophecy, due to be unseated at that century’s end). The British, who had nothing to do with the mysterious transmission, guessed the breads were a piece of mischief-making on the part of the Indians, though opinion was divided as to whether the breads came from the east, near Calcutta (Kolkata), from the north, in the province of Oude (Avadh) or from Indore, in the center of the country. Extensive inquiries into the meaning of the breads produced plenty of theories but few facts; even the runners and watchmen who baked them and carried them from village to village “did not know why they had to run through the night with chupatties in their turbans,” though they took them just the same.

India at the time of the 1857 rebellion. Click to view in higher resolution. Map: Wikicommons.
The chupatty movement first came to British attention early in February 1857. One of the first officials to encounter it was Mark Thornhill, magistrate in the little Indian town of Mathura, near Agra. Thornhill came into his office one morning to find four “dirty little cakes of the coarsest flour, about the size and thickness of a biscuit” lying on his desk. He was informed that they had been brought in by one of his Indian police officers, who had received them from a puzzled villagechowkidar (watchman). And where had the chowkidar got them? “A man had come out of the jungle with them, and given them to the watchman with instructions to make four like them and to take these to the watchman in the next village, who was to be told to do the same.”
Thornhill examined the chapatis in his office. They bore no message, and were identical to the breads cooked in every home in India, a staple part (even today) of the locals’ diet. Yet discreet inquiries soon revealed that many hundreds of chapatis were passing through his district, and through other parts of India as well—everywhere from the Narmada river in the south to the border with Nepal several hundred miles to the north. The breads formed, in short, what amounted to a culinary chain letter, one that was spreading with such spectacular rapidity that Thornhill’s boss, George Harvey, in Agra, calculated that a wave of chapatis was advancing across his province at a rate somewhere between 100 and 200 miles a night.
That rate was particularly disconcerting because it was vastly swifter than the fastest British mails, and urgent inquiries were made as to the source and meaning of the “movement.” They yielded the information that the breads were being distributed far more widely than anyone in Agra had yet realized, and that the Indians who received them generally took them as some sort of a sign. Beyond that, however, opinions remained divided.

Rumors spread with great rapidity before and during the mutiny—not least because of the large number of British women and children at the mercy of the rebels in towns such as Delhi and Kanpur.
From the North-West Provinces :
I have the honour to inform you that a signal has passed through numbers of the villages in this district, the purport of which has not yet transpired…
A Chowkeydar, on receiving one of these cakes, has had five or six more prepared, and thus they have passed from village to village.… An idea has been industriously circulated that the Government has given the order.
From the interrogation of an official at the King of Delhi’s court:
I did hear of the circumstance. Some people said that it was a propitiatory observance to avert some impending calamity; others, that they were circulated by the Government to signify that the population throughout the country would be compelled to use the same food as the Christians, and thus be deprived of their religion; while others again said that the chupatties were circulated to make it known that Government was determined to force Christianity on the country by interfering with their food, and intimation of it was thus given that they might be prepared to resist the attempt.
Q. Is the sending of such articles about the country a custom among the Hindoos or Mussulmans; and would the meaning be at once understood without any accompanying explanation?
A. No, it is not by any means a custom; I am 50 years old, and never heard of such a thing before.
From Delhi:
It was alluded to [in the native newspapers], and it was supposed to portend some coming disturbance, and was, moreover, understood as implying an invitation to the whole population of the country to unite for some secret objective afterwards to be disclosed.
From Awadh :
Some time in February 1857, a curious occurrence took place. A Chowkeydar ran up to another village with two chupatties. He ordered his fellow-official to make ten more, and give two to each of the five nearest village Chowkeydars with the same instructions. In a few hours the whole country was in a stir, from Chowkeydars flying around with these cakes. The signal spread in all directions with wonderful celerity. The magistrates tried to stop it, but, in spite of all they could do, it passed along to the borders of the Punjab. There is reason to believe that this was originated by some intriguers of the old Court of Lucknow.
From the confidential physician to the King of Delhi:
Nobody can tell what was the object of the distribution of the chupatties. It is not known who first projected the plan. All the people in the palace wondered what it could mean. I had no conversation with the King on the subject; but others talked in his presence about it, wondering what could be the object.

A chowkidar–an Indian village watchman. All Indian villages had one, and it was these men, running between their homes and the nearest neighboring settlement with chapatis, who so effectively raised panic among the ruling British.
Numerous explanations were considered. A few suggested that the chapatis might conceal “seditious letters” that were “forwarded from village to village, read by the village chief, again crusted over with flour, and sent on in the shape of a chupatty, to be broken by the next recipient,” but examination of the breads revealed no hidden messages. Some of the more knowledgeable British officials linked the spread of the chapatis to an effort to prevent the outbreak of cholera in central India and added that, since incidence of the disease was associated with the movement of the Company’s armies, “there was a widespread belief that the British were in fact responsible for the disease.” Another official suggested that the chupatty movement had been initiated somewhere in central India by dyers, anxious that their dyes “were not clearing properly,” or were the product of some spellwork aimed at protecting crops against hail.
All in all, the British were extremely spooked by the spread of the chapatis. Vital though their Indian empire was to them, they controlled the subcontinent with a comparative handful of men—about 100,000 in all, less than half of whom were soldiers, ruling over a population of 250 million—and they were all too aware of just how inadequate these numbers would be in the event of any serious rebellion. That, combined with a declining number of British officers who  understood India, spoke Indian languages fluently or had any real sympathy for the people whom they ruled, meant that the colonial hierarchy remained perpetually jittery. Tall tales, panic and misapprehension spread readily in such a climate, and plenty of people felt a certain disquiet in the early months of 1857. The British officer Richard Barter wrote:
Lotus flowers and bits of goats’ flesh, so it was rumoured, were being passed from hand to hand, as well as chupatties. Symbols of unknown significance were chalked on the walls of towns; protective charms were on sale everywhere; an ominous slogan, Sub lal hogea hai (‘Everything has become red’) was being whispered.”

A cartridge for the new Enfield rifle. Indian soldiers in the East India Company's armies believed they risked defilement because the new rounds were being issued greased with the fat of pigs and cows–untrue, but sufficient to spark the most dangerous uprising against British imperial rule since the American Revolution.
It is no surprise, the historian Kim Wagner notes, that, faced with such a plethora of portents, “the British regarded with deep suspicion, bordering on paranoia, any type of communication in India which they could not understand.” The colonial administration well understood that rumors, however unfounded, could have serious consequences, and there were plenty of notably more dangerous urban legends about. One popular story, widely believed, suggested that the British were attempting the mass conversion of their subjects to Christianity by adulterating their flour with bone meal from cows and pigs, which was forbidden to Hindus and Moslems, respectively. Once defiled, the theory went, men who had consumed the forbidden meal would be shunned by their co-religionists and would be easier to bring into the Christian fold, or could be sent as soldiers overseas (crossing the “black water” being forbidden to Hindus of high caste). And, historically, much the same thing had happened before in times of trouble. Coconuts had passed at great speed from village to village in central India in 1818, at a time when the mofussil was being ravaged by large bands of merciless looters known as the Pindaris. Most worryingly of all, some very similar rumors had once been recorded far to the south, in the Madras Presidency in 1806, at the time of a serious outbreak of mutiny among Indian soldiersstationed at Vellore . As John Kaye wrote a few years later:
Among other wild fables, which took firm hold of the popular mind, was one to the effect that the Company’s officers had collected all the newly-manufactured salt, had divided it into two great heaps, and over one had sprinkled the blood of hogs, and over the other the blood of cows; that they had then sent it to be sold throughout the country of the pollution and desecration of the Mahommedans and Hindoos, that all might be brought to one caste and to one religion like the English.
It is not surprising that one of the many subsidiary rumors that accompanied the chupatty movement was that the breads were being carried and distributed, the eventual trial of the King of Delhi noted, “by the hands of the very lowest caste men that can be found; and the natives say that it is intended by Government to force or bribe the headmen to eat the bread, and thus loose their caste.” Hence the consumption of food supplied by the British was, notes Tapti Roy, commonly “considered as a token that they should likewise be compelled to embrace one faith, or, as they termed it, ‘One food and one faith.’ ”

Indian soldiers in the service of the East India Company-who outnumbered British troops in India five to one–loading cartridges.
By the time of the chupatty movement, no more than a handful of aged India hands could remember such long-ago events as the Vellore Mutiny. But those who did would not have been surprised by what happened next, for some very similar beliefs were spreading in the early months of 1857. A rumor that spread like wildfire among the sepoys(Indian soldiers) stationed at cantonments throughout the north of the country was that the British had come up with yet another diabolical contrivance for breaking their caste and defiling their bodies: the greased cartridge.
It was no secret that the Company’s armies had been making preparations for the introduction of a new sort of ammunition for a new model of Enfield rifle . To be loaded, this cartridge  had to be torn open so that the powder it contained could be poured down the barrel of the muzzle-loading gun; because the soldier’s hands were full, this was done with the teeth. Then the bullet had to be rammed down the rifled barrel. To facilitate its passage, the cartridges were greased with tallow, which, in the U.K., was made of beef and pork fat. The greased cartridges thus posed precisely the same threat to observant sepoys as would flour adulterated with the blood of pigs and cows, and though the British recognized the problem early on, and never issued a single greased cartridge to any Indian troops, fear that the Company was plotting to defile them took hold among the men of many Indian regiments and resulted in the outbreak of rebellion in the cantonment of Meerut in April 1857.

Scottish Highlanders charge during the suppression of the rebellion of 1857.
The revolt of 1857, which the British call the Indian Mutiny but many Indians prefer to think of as the First War of Independence, was the defining event in British imperial history. It came as a greater shock than the loss of the American colonies, and prompted reprisals far more hysterical and vicious than those visited on rebellious subjects elsewhere in the Empire. In one sense, this was not surprising; since India had a large and settled British population, there were more women and children around for the rebels to kill. In another, however, the appalling atrocities visited by the Company’s armies on the people of northern India were far from justified, since the British proved to be just as prone to rumors and panics as their Indian subjects. Wild stories circulated freely in the panic-stricken atmosphere of 1857, and there were enough real massacres and murders to make almost anything seem possible. Thousands of entirely blameless Indians who found themselves caught up in the hysterical aftermath of the rebellion were flogged, or blown from cannon, or forced to clean bloodied paving stones using only their tongues before being summarily hanged.
By the time the British came to examine the causes of the rebellion, therefore, the chupatty movement had assumed a fresh significance. It was generally believed, in retrospect, that the circulation of the breads had been a warning of trouble ahead, and that the wave of chapatis must have been set in motion by a cunning group of determined conspirators who had begun plotting the rising months, if not years, in advance. The rapid spread of disorder in 1857–when regiment after regiment had mutinied, and revolts against British rule had sprung up throughout most of northern and central India–made it almost impossible to believe that the rebellion could have been spontaneous (as most modern historians concede it was), and considerable effort was made to chronicle the movement and trace the spread of the anomalous chapatis.
The irony is that all this effort actually supplied historians with evidence that the chupatty movement had nothing at all to do with the outbreak of disorder some months later–and that the circulation of the breads early in 1857 was nothing more than a bizarre coincidence.
Kim Wagner, who has made the most recent study of the phenomenon, concludes that the movement had its origins in Indore, a princely state still nominally independent of British rule, and that it began as an attempt to ward off the ravages of cholera:
The geographic circulation of the chapattis was not systematic or exponential; their transmission was erratically linear and different ‘currents’ moved at different speeds. Some currents simply ran cold, while others moved in parallel, or paused before continuing. Thus, long after the chapattis reached their northern-most point of Meerut, there was another northwards distribution from Cawnpore to Fattehgarh, which was widely reported in the newspapers… The circulation took place along well-established routes of transmission, which followed the main trade and pilgrimage routes between the bigger cities.
At some point the chapattis passed beyond the limits of their meaningful transmission and simply continued through the country as a “blank” message. This allowed different meanings an interpretations to be attributed to them, and the chapattis became an index of people’s thoughts and worries.
Furthermore, the superstitious impulse that still encourages the transmission of chain letters clearly applied in 1857:
Although the original specific meaning of the chapattis had been lost early in the distribution, the dire consequences of breaking the chain of transmission remained, and thus ensured their successful circulation over an immense area. In the event, the chapattis were not ‘harbingers of a coming storm.’ They were what people made them into, and the significance attributed to them was a symptom of the pervasive distrust and general consternation amongst the Indian population during the early months of 1857.
Seen from a distance of 150 years, the chupatty movement can appear a quaint anomaly, a strange and colorful rumor of interest mostly to historians and psychologists. And yet it’s just as possible to see the bloody results of the mutual incomprehension between the British and native communities in India as a potent reminder that mistrust and panic can have serious consequences.
These are deep waters that we trawl in, and dangerous ones, too.


Existence of Ancient Electricity
what they did with it? STILL remains hidden

Here are the top ten contenders for the existence of ancient electricity.  The electric catfish and the cat fur and amber effect are well recorded and not in dispute.  The Coso Artefact is almost certainly the misinterpretation of evidence.  As for the rest ... well they're open to debate

CAT FUR AND AMBER GENERATOR


Cats fur and amber electricity generator
REPRODUCTION OF A FUR AND AMBER GENERATOR - ANCIENT GREECE.
By spinning the disks in opposite directions a static electrical charge could be transferred to the gold foil strips to create visible sparks

There can be no doubt that ancient civilizations were aware of static electricity even if they may not have fully understood it. They also appreciated the godlike power of lightning and must have been curious to observe this effect replicated in miniature when the fur of a cat was rubbed against certain materials in a darkened room.  The effects of static electricity were first recorded by a Greek philosopher, Thales of Miletus, who lived between  624 BC and 546 BC.  He is said to have experimented with amber, which the Greeks referred to as Elektron, and cat fur to create an electrical discharge as well as magnetism. From this observation a simple machine consisting of two spinning disks, one covered with leopard fur and one coated with glass or amber could be connected to gold axles and foil strips which would produce an electrical charge capable of generating sparks several inches in length.
 



 ELECTRIC EELS - SHOCK THERAPY

Electric Catfish


ELECTRIC EEL OR ELECTROPHORUS ELECTRICUS THE KNIFE FISH
The Knife Fish of South America is capable of delivering between 500 - 600 volts of electricity. The Nile (Electric) Catfish, Malapterurus Electricus, is capable of delivering approximately 350 volts. Photocredit: Wikimedia Commons: Steinhart Aquarium - Photographer: Stan Shebs - 2005


Although it looks like an eel, Electrophorus Electricus is actually a Knife Fish that is able to generate and deliver significant electric shocks of up to 600 volts. The ancient Egyptians referred to an electric catfish, Malapterurus Electricus, as the "Thunderer of the Nile" which indicates that they had already made the connection to storm-related atmospheric discharges - lightning. According to various sources the Greeks and Romans were familiar with these creatures and may well have bred them in captivity. Historic records show that they were certainly farming many other types of exotic fish both for food and for amusement. Scribonus Largus, a physician at the court of the Roman Emperor Claudius (c.47AD), is reported to have written that these 'torpedo fish' could be used to treat a wide variety of ailments. They were used to numb the feet of gout sufferers as well as those suffering from persistent headaches. If this is true then this is the first recorded use of shock therapy. As recently as 2009 doctors in Boston have been successfully experimenting with electric currents to block migraines.


THE BAGHDAD BATTERY

Baghdad Battery
EXAMPLE OF A BAGHDAD BATTERY
Discovered in the archives of the National Museum of Iraq in 1938. Believed to have been originally excavated in 1936 in the village of Khuyut Rabbou'a. Capable of generating between 0.75 and 1.1 volts.

In 1938 the Director of the National Museum of Iraq, Wilhelm König, discovered a number of curious terracotta pots in the archives.  Each one was approximately 13 cm in height with a capped 3.3 cm opening at the top.  Each pot contained an open-ended copper cylinder and inside this was a small iron rod. These artefacts strongly resembled simple galvanic batteries and in 1940 König published a scientific paper proposing that these objects may well have been used to generate electrical current which could have been used for electroplating objects with either gold or silver. Mainstream archaeologists continue to doubt this theory even though reproductions using lemon juice as an electrolyte have been proven to work and no other sensible explanation exists for the iron and copper contents.  The pots are likely to have been created during the Sassanid Period (224 AD - 640 AD). The debate continues.
 
THE LIGHTHOUSE OF PHAROS

Pharos / Alexandra Lighthouse
THE LIGHTHOUSE OF PHAROS / ALEXANDRIA
The lighthouse survived from 247 BC to 1303 AD when it was severely damaged in an earthquake. By 1408 it was simply a pile of rubble which was then used to build a medieval fortress by Al-Ashraf Sayf al-Din Qa'it Bay, the Mamluk Sultan of Egypt, which remains standing today. It is possible to still visit Qaitbay Castle.
 


Considered to be one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, construction of the 130m tall Pharos Lighthouse probably began around 280 BC on a small island just off the coast of Alexandria, Egypt. Originally commissioned by the Macedonian general, Ptolemy Soter who became ruler of Egypt after the death of Alexander the Great, it was completed during the reign of his son Ptolemy Philadelphos. Today the island of Pharos has become part of the mainland and shields a natural harbour. The building was erected to house a brilliant light to assist ships to find the port at night. Historic reports claim that the light could be seen nearly thirty miles out to sea and that it housed a beam so bright that could blind sailors and burn enemy ships. This has given rise to the theory that only an electrical arc lamp and a huge concave mirror could have created this effect. Proponents of this theory admit that the source of the power is a mystery but that an electric light is the only possible explanation for the extraordinary intensity of the lamp.


THE DENDERA LIGHTS


Dendera Lights - Temple of Hathor
THE DENDERA LIGHTS
The picture above is not the best representation but is the only one available on Wikimedia Commons. From the point of view of the proponents of the 'lights' theory the beam can be see emerging from the lotus flower socket. A cable appears to run from the battery via the isolator to the lamp. Under the light are people engaged in activities made possible by the illumination. The snake is often referred to as a lamp filament but, if the lights are real, is more likely to represent the flickering of the arc light. There are other pictures on the internet that are even more suggestive and it is worth reviewing them if you are interested in this subject. Real or imagined - you decide?


Within the Temple of Hathor, which is part of the Dendera (Tentyra) Temple Complex in Egypt, are a series of carvings that many people believe depict the sophisticated use of electricity to generate light. Items identified are as follows: an arc light lamp (horizontal) several upright lamps, lamp socket, arc light flicker (snake) electric cables, an isolator and even a large upright battery.  If historians and archaeologists believed that the Egyptians from this period used electricity then this would probably be considered a classic example.  A further point that is often overlooked is that Hathor was a goddess who is usually shown with a sun disk suspended between two horns exactly like the reflecting mirror of an arc-lamp - even the dimensions are optimal. Although the equipment in the images may seem obvious it should also be noted that many historians, archaeologists and Egyptologists strongly deny that the images are anything more than the representation of a fertility rite based on Egyptian mythology. Proponents of the 'lights' theory are often dismissed as fringe scientists while mainstream Egyptologists are often accused of hiding behind conveniently concocted myths and retentive thinking. Both groups seem certain in their beliefs. 

THE ABYDOS MACHINES


The Abydos Machines

THE ABYDOS MACHINES

Top Left: Helicopter, Top Right: Hovercraft
Centre Right - High: Airship / Dirigible
Centre Right - Low: Satellite 
Bottom Right: Spaceship / Jet Fighter 




 


Roughly 450 kilometres south of Cairo is the ancient city-complex of Abydos.  It is widely considered to be one of the most important archaeological sites in Egypt although for some quite differing reasons. Mainstream Egyptologists recognise it as the site of the Osiris and Isis cult while proponents of ancient electricity believe it holds definite proof that ancient civilisations were significantly more advanced than historians will acknowledge.  The reason for this is that within the Hypostyle Hall of the Temple of Seti I there are a series of carvings that clearly depict modern aircraft, particularly a helicopter and dirigible. Mainstream archaeologists claim that they are merely a coincidence caused by over-carving while proponents of ancient technology state that this is actually misleading and that attempts to recreate the over-carving effect have been less than conclusive.  In addition, they point out that the coincidence required to produce these images is staggeringly unlikely. 



THE COSO ARTEFACT


The Coso Artefact
EXAMPLE OF A COSO ARTEFACT 
(Probably a case of mistaken identification)
Named after the Coso Mountain Range where it was found above the Owens Dry Lake on the edge of Death Valley.

X-rays of the Coso artefact revealed additional pieces that the Spark Plug Collectors of America identified as parts of a 1920’s spark plug or something similar

The area around the town of Olancha in California, America, is popular destination for 'rock hunters'  and attracts both professional and amateur geologists.  On Monday the 13th February 1961 three geode collectors, Wallace Lane, Mike Mikesell and Virginia Maxey discovered an interesting specimen which Mike Mikesell took home and cut in half with a diamond edged saw.  Inside the specimen he discovered what appeared to be an off-white ceramic cylinder with a small metal core running through the centre - in short, a sparkplug. According to Ms. Maxey the specimen was examined by a professional geologist who estimated that the casing was at least 500,000 years old.  The identity of the geologist has never been revealed. The discovery caused significant controversy with some experts claiming that the rock was nothing more than a 'concretion' of rust and localised fossils.   Perhaps because of the controversy the finders refused to further display or discuss the artefact after 1969.  The location of the artefact is currently unknown as are the people who found it although it is believed that Lane passed away in 2008. 



TEMPLE LIGHT OF ISIS / VENUS


Temple Lights of Venus / Isis
THE LIGHT OF THE TEMPLE VENUS / ISIS
(The quotation from St. Augustine's book
The City of God, Book XXI, Chapter 6:)
" ... that there was, or is, a temple of Venus in which a candelabrum set in the open air holds a lamp, which burns so strongly that no storm or rain extinguishes it, and which is therefore called, like the stone mentioned above, the asbestos or inextinguishable lamp."



Aurelius Augustine was born in North Africa in 354 AD and spent much of his early life dedicated to passionate pursuits, philosophy and academic studies.  At the age of 32 he became a Christian and after some time in Rome he journeyed to  Hippo Regius (near modern day Annaba) in Tunisia where he was persuaded to become first a priest and later Bishop of the town. He remained an academic at heart and was one of the most prolific writers of his time. In his work, City of God, (book 11 chapter 6) he describes a temple in Egypt dedicated to Venus (Isis) in which there is a lamp that requires an asbestos base  and  is completely unaffected by the weather. The correct translation is under the picture to the left. It worth pointing out that some websites misquote this passage to emphasise the argument while others suggest that Augustine himself visited the temple.  In fact, Augustine was referring to books written by earlier travellers.  However, the story is intriguing and was considered relevant enough to be selected as an example by the Bishop. St. Augustine suggested that the lamp might have been the work of corrupted men or even a resident demon.



 ARC OF THE COVENANT




Relief of the Ark of the Covenant
THE ARK OF THE COVENANT
Said to have extraordinary powers. May have been and arc lamp. Featured in Episode 29 of Mythbusters, a Discovery Channel programme first broadcast on the 23rd March 2005. The Ark of the Covenant has been lost for many centuries and may have been removed from the Temple of Solomon during the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem in 587 BC.


According to the Old Testament, which records the history of the Abrahamic religions, God summoned Moses to  Mount Sinai (Horeb) and gave him the Ten Commandments inscribed on two tablets of stone .  This list of divine laws specified the way in which the people were to live their lives.  Five of these laws form the basis of all modern legal systems.  To store the stone tablets the people of Moses built a chest according to specific instructions provided to them by God.  This was to be the Ark of the Covenant and since its construction there have been countless references to its 'power' such as its ability to part waters,  to destroy buildings such as the walls of Jericho and to emit beams of light sometimes referred to as the power of God.  Based on descriptions found in the Old Testament a number of researchers now believe that the wings of the cherub may have acted like an arc lamp or as two electrical charged poles that could induce a sense of the divine.  This proposal was recently featured on the Discovery Channel's Myth Busters programme and found plausible. 



ELECTROPLATED ARTEFACTS


Sumerian Golden Artefacts

GOLDEN OBJECTS FROM SUMERIA
It is fair to point out that there are techniques that can mimic electroplating. The first is electro-deposition which is possible without an electric current and the Tumbaga process that involves the production of a seemingly pure gold object even though it has a high percentage of copper.  To achieve this the surface copper is oxidised and dissolved leaving only a gold coating which is polished into a plated surface.


Over the centuries a number of artefacts ranging from coins to small religious statues have been discovered with very thin coatings of gold or silver that is typical of modern electroplating techniques. In 1938 Wilhelm König, the Director of the National Museum of Iraq, discovered a series of small objects that strongly suggested the use of electroplating using electrical current rather than the less effective electrochemical process.  Several small vases dating from 2,500BC appeared to have been electroplated and were kept at the Baghdad museum.  In 1851 archaeologist August Mariette claimed to have found electroplated objects at a dig near the Sphinx in Egypt. In 2006 Stefano Natali and Giuseppe Giovannelli of the University of Rome discovered a coin that had been deliberated plated with silver around 250 BC  to create a forgery. A number of pre-Columbian golden artefacts show traces of plated surfaces. There are undoubtedly many more items in the collections of the great museums that may well turn out to have been electroplated rather than solid gold or silver items.  

Human history is a vast subject.  It took Edward Gibbon 17 years to research and write his famous work, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.  It was published in six volumes and contains more than 1.5 million words.  Naturally he wasn't impressed when critics believed his views were distorted by his possible paganism.

In general, history is a factual subject that can be fixed in place to create solid foundations upon which to build a picture of times gone by.  However, if something doesn't fit the existing jigsaw, one that has taken centuries to establish, then it is often ignored. What if someone discovered that the Battle of Hastings had actually taken place in 1067 instead of 1066? What if Benjamin Franklin turned out to be a British spy and documents surfaced to prove that George Washington was actually a Royalist supporter?  Beliefs and ideologies are based on perceptions of history and if those perceptions are wrong then maybe the ideologies are too.  It's because of this that historians from every culture are very reluctant to engage with ideas that might turn established history upside down.  Ancient Electricity is one such subject